The system desperately needs a large infusion of permanent public money so that programs can compensate educators well, parent fees can be slashed, and supply can rise to meet demand. Centers have shut down for want of staff, long waitlists have stretched to the point of absurdity, and the rising cost of care continues to exceed inflation. In fact, the industry is still down more than 50,000 employees from pre-pandemic levels. In other words, child care simultaneously is too expensive for parents and brings in too little revenue for programs to operate sustainably. Child-care providers have very high fixed costs due to the need for low child-to-adult ratios, so they can’t pay their staff well without significantly increasing parent fees (many child-care workers make less than parking attendants). The instinct to make for any policy port in a storm is understandable, and the American child-care system is stuck in a years-long hurricane. Since Joe Manchin and 50 Republican senators killed the bill, however, many policy makers have started following a tired old playbook: If at first you fail to make something a universal right, try making it an employee benefit. This overhaul would have put child care squarely in the same category as Social Security, Medicare, and other guaranteed supports: It would have, in other words, become a right. The act also would have capped all but the wealthiest families’ child-care bills at 7 percent of their income. When the House of Representatives passed the Build Back Better Act in 2021, it included $400 billion in funding, part of which would have paid programs enough to boost providers’ wages, in turn increasing the supply of available slots.
For a brief moment, it looked like America could get a real child-care system-one that wasn’t defined by lengthy waitlists, sky-high fees, and crossed-fingers quality.
0 kommentar(er)
